Thursday, September 28, 2006

Tughlak, Tippusultan, S.L. Bhyrappa (Vijay Karnataka, Bangalore)

Girish Karnad | 28 September 06

My literary works got several forms of reactions right from the day I started writing plays. Some have criticized me and some others haveappreciated me. But I never wished that after reading these works aprominent Kannada novelist would become an'instant historian'. I am really worried about the kind of influence my plays had on S.L.Bhyrappa. (Vijaya Karnataka, September 24).

One must appreciate the list of books that Bhyrappa has read to knowabout not only Tippu Sultan but about Tughlak also, just to write hisarticle. He has worked very hard. But instead of struggling so much if he would have asked me I would have told him: "I am least interested inthe historic character Tughlak. I am not at all interested to knowwhether he is good or bad, whether he loved Hindus or hated them. I wanted to write an entertaining Play. I had an yearning to create themost complex character possible. I was able to get the required materialin Tughlak to achieve this. I used as much material as I needed to adopt them in my own way. My Tughlak is not Tughlak of history. That is animaginary character. If I wanted to write history I would have done itand would not have bothered to write a drama.

It may be surprising to note that a person like Bhyrappa who is alwaysin the midst of discussions-lectures-articles about art-literatre-lifecould not understand this aspect. But whosoever has read his books doesnot find this as anything new. Let me discuss about it later.

One has to remember that history is a branch of knowledge. It has gotits own analyzing methods and systems like any other branch. A studentof history should be trained first, to know what type of evidences should be accepted, which records could be interpreted in the context oftheir special historical events, how to discriminate the arguments andother methodologies of history. Once a strong foundation is laid, one should attempt to understand the subtleties of the period that they havechosen for study. Only then one can have a scholarly discussion.

For the same reasons, it is difficult to accept the arguments put forth by Bhyrappa, who thinks that he is qualified to talk about any period ofany region authoritatively. It is certainly not 'history' to read 3books in two or three days and to use them suitably in his arguments bychoosing the facts convenient to his prejudices.

Bhyrappa is not a historian. Even I am not. Therefore it is better that we do not indulge in a clash with each other in a fields in which bothof us are not qualified.

The invitation for a public debate about history is not extended by me,Shankar Murthy did it. I accepted the invitation not to discuss history but to discuss about the responsibilities of an education minister.

For the same reason, it would be more meaningful if we read his novelsthan his 'history' to know about the thinking methodology of Bhyrappa, and also to know about the objectivity of his theoretical views.

Many of Bhyrappa's novels would have their own 'thesis'. The characterswould be developed around this thesis either for it or against it. Then the novelist Bhyrappa would thrash the characters mercilessly which areagainst the thesis that he has presented.

The thesis of 'Vamshavriksha' is 'vamsha prajne' (the consciousness ofthe lineage). Therefore Bhyrappa aborts frequently Kathyayini's pregnancies who being a young widow deserted her first husband's lineageon her remarriage. He would not leave her till her death.

The thesis of 'Tabbaliyu neenade magane' is cow slaughter. The centralcharacter of this novel is an American girl Hilda who settled down in a village of Karnataka after her marriage to Kalegowda.

There are plenty of women who have settled here after their marriage toIndians. All these women came here with a purpose to lead a harmoniousIndian life. The wife of Hiremallur Eswaran a well known Anthropologist converted herself to Veerashaivism. When I asked her what is the reasonfor this conversion she said, "if I do not wear Linga, I will not beallowed to enter kitchen. I cannot enter poojaroom. I will be anoutsider in my own house." The American wife of S.R. Hiremath who worksfor I.D.S has settled with her children in a village of Karnataka.

But while creating Hilda's character Bhyrappa does not think of these living models. Instead, 'madams' who loved IPS officers during Britishperiod, who came to India to live here always with a conscious thoughtthat they are from 'ruling class' were the models for the character of Hilda. She loathes to step on the ground scrubbed with cow dung! Thenovelist does not have any compassion for a girl who came alone to avillage leaving her motherland and does not know anybody there exceptingher husband. The village is divided because of her. She kills a cow. Herbreasts would be dry because of this sin that she committed. Her childwould be saved with the milk of Punyakoti breed cow though she killed a cow of this breed. Nature does justice on behalf of Bhyrappa.

Bhyrappa has a violent attitude towards his own characters which arecreated in his imaginary world but went against his central thesis inhis novels. The very purpose of the novel would be to punish such characters. In this context can we expect an objective view of a Muslimlike Tippusultan from Bhyrappa who is in forefront of a group of Hinduprotagonists who flare up whenever 'Muslim, Christian, avaidika' are uttered?

His baseless accusation that the folk singers wrote ballads in praise ofTippusultan with an eye on the cash gifted by nawabs is the proof forhis mental makeup.

When Babri Masjid surrounded by the blood of hundreds of innocent people was demolished for the political benefit, under a pretext that a sort ofinjustice had been meted out some 300 years ago, Bhyrappa supported thebarbaric act with the words, "lakhs of people want this, therefore, it is right". Last year when his statements on Buddhism created commotionhe blurted out some lies, "Hindu traditions always protected the avaidik(non-conformists to Vedas) people like charvakas." Does Bhyrappa with apersonality like this have any moral authority to talk about Tippusultan's fanaticism or to lecture on entire historical truths and untruths?

I owe some explanation because I directed 2 films based on the novelscited above jointly with B.V. Karanth. When Karanth encouragingly said, "producers have come forward to support the filming of these popularnovels" I retorted, "I detest the philosophical attitude of Bhyrappa",instead of accepting the offer. Then Karanth consoled me with the words "Bhyrappa has agreed to make the required changes in the story."Afterwards we directed the films changing the story as we liked.

But when I think of this now, I realize that I have made a mistake. There is no doubt that we did injustice to Bhyrappa. Whatever may be hisphilosophical attitude he is a proficient novelist. I should not haveagreed to the foolish act of segregating his philosophical motives fromthe material churned out of his experience. There is no doubt that both of my films Tabbiliyu ninade magane' and 'Vamshavriksha' are my ineptworks as I had no faith in the original thesis of these works..

Sunday, September 24, 2006

Projecting the historical lies can never strength Nationalism

S.L. Bhyrappa | 24 September 2006 | Vijay Karnataka, Bangalore
The political scenario at present in Karnataka is very colourful. Education Minister Shankar Murthy said that Tipu was anti Kannada because he introduced Persian as the administrative language in place ofKannada, as expected, various groups from various corners are protestingagainst this statement, government is being warned if he does not resign or if he is not asked to leave the ministry there will be an intensestruggle for the same, finally the minister has again bolstered that heis ready for a public debate.
Yesterday (21.9.2006) actor, director, dramatist Girish Karnad with his associates K. Marulasiddappa and the former primary education ministerin congress government Prof. B.K. Chandrashekar called a press meet toinform that he is ready for an open discussion with Shankar Murthy as hehas written a drama about Tippu. I appreciate this stand. But he and hisassociates have already concluded that Shankar Murthy's statement is dangerous and against the interests of the nation. I do not have anyintention to discuss the political intricacies of the discussion here.Just I want to say some words here keeping in mind that Karnad is anartist and an author.

I read his Thughlak drama as soon as it was published. The style isgood. The combination of humour and tragedy is effective. There is lotof scope for direction. It has similarities to the play Caligula, written by an influential author of his time Albert Camus and is alsoinfluence by the same. I felt that in the play, Mohammed Bin Tughlaq'scharacter is more idealized than the historical Tughlaq. At that time I had neither time nor interest to do research on this topic.

After about 40 years, I read his drama 'Tippusultan kanda kanasu.' Hehas completely changed Tippu's character by projecting him as amagnanimous tragic hero. I come from old Mysore region, naturally I knew more details about Tippu.

In the meantime, after observing his political statements, movements andprotests I understood that Karnad is a rigid leftist. Of course he hashis own thoughts and activities. I kept quiet with the idea that every person has his own beliefs. But when I read 'Tippusultan kanda kanasu',I felt like studying thoroughly about Tippu and Tughalaq to know to whatextent the dramatist is loyal to the historical truths. I started my study. History is always my favorite subject. I had already read IndianHistory to some extent.
Even though, it is mentioned in the epilogue that the story contentthough historical, the purpose of the play is not to portray history,wherever the drama was enacted and whosoever has watched the play wouldcarry the impression that he is the real sultan. 'A Brahmin sufferedinjustice because of my officers. You have observed that I was ready to tread the path of justice to set right the injustice. The disintegrationof our kingdom due to religious intolerance is an unforgettable momentin the history of my regime. I want equality, progress and logicaljustice. It is not enough if peace is achieved, I want vibrant life.''The most significant fact is Daulathabad is a Hindu dominant city. Iwant to take my capital there so that I can develop Hindu-Muslim amity.These words of Sultan and the words'Sultan would very happy if he sees aBrahmin with a Muslim friend'would depict a feeling in the minds thatSultan was more religious tolerant than Akbar, even before 230 years ofAkbar's period.

But (Ibn Battuta, The Rchla of Ibn Battuta, eng-translation by Dr. MahdiHussain 1953, page 95. Eshwar Prasad's Qaraunah Turks in India, Vol I,Allahabad 1936 P 65-66 Mahdi Hussain: Tugalaq Dynasty, Calcutta 1963 p207-208. Quoted in Muslim slave system in medieval India by K.S. Lal,Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994 p 56). The same Mohammed Bin Tugalaqbuilt mosques by destroying Hindu temples. There is a mosque by nameDeval masidi in Bodhan, Nizamabad Dist, Andhra Pradesh. The name itself denotes that it is a mosque built by destroying a temple. It is presumedthat two inscriptions available even now, were inscribed during theregime of Mohammed Bin Tugalaq. In Epigraphia Indo-Mosliemica 1919-20 p 16, G. Majdaniya says,'as the name itself denotes the Deval Masidi wasoriginally a Jain Temple, Mohammed converted this into a mosque when heconquered Deccan. This building was a star like structure. But Muslims (Tugalaq) built a platform for sermons in place of inner sanctum, exceptthis, no other changes were made. The original pillars are there withoutany modification, one can see the carvings of Thirthankars on thepillars even now.'( see Seetharama Goel: Hindu Temples: What happened tothem? Vol II p 67.)

According to Aboonasir Icy that Sultan carried the flags of Islam to theplaces where they were not seen earlier, Koran was heard in the placeswhere it was not read earlier. He stopped the recitation of Agnipoojaka mantras and Asr prayers reverberated everywhere. (S.A.A. Rizvi: TughlaqKaleena Bharatha, Aligarh, 1956 Vol. I p 325). Can there be any otherreason other than the agenda of Marxist propaganda to portray the Sultan as a religious tolerant?

Sultan Mohammed was notorious for his habit of hunting slaves in far offcountries. Shahabuddin Mohammed Abbas mentions about his enthusiasm,'Sultan was always eager to attack Kashmir. The number of prisoners captured by him would be so huge that thousands of slaves were solddaily at cheaper rates. (Masaliq-ul-Abiser Phi Mumaliq -ul-Amser.Tr.in.E.D. III p 580. The Hindi version of Rizvi's 'Tugalaq KaleenaBharatha'). He was not only capturing prisoners of war, but had a fancy for buying and keeping the foreign and Indian slaves. The number ofkafir (non Muslim) women captured in the wars or the invasions was sohuge that Ibn Battuta writes, 'once lot of women prisoners were gatheredin Delhi. Ten women out of this group were sent to me by the nazir. Ireturned one girl to the person who brought me them. But he was notsatisfied. My associate selected 3 young girls. I do not know whathappened to others.'(Ibn Battuta- from the book cited above). Shahabuddin Al Umri says about Sultan Mohammed,'when he was a prince,his hunting group consisted 1200 hakims, 10,000 expert cavalry men, 300drum beaters, 3000 traders who sell hunting equipment, 500 cooks, 1000 paid musicians other than slave musicians, 1000 poets. (Shahabuddin AlUmri: from the book cited above p 578-80).

How can we call such a Sultan an ideal king?

Girish Karnad's mind consciously worked on the same thoughts in the play 'Tippusultan kanda kanasu' also. During the days of Indian Freedom Movement, semi literate folk singers,with no knowledge of history were singing ballads to the drum beatsextolling the virtues of Tippu in the corners of the markets of the village fairs and shandies in the old Mysore area. Muslims, especiallyMuslim traders, were encouraging these singers with cash gifts.Similarly there were plays written glorifying him. Plays were writtendepicting him as a patriot of the nation for the simple reason that he fought against British during the days of the anti British movements.The audience believed that the plays depicted true history. Afterindependence, Marxists, Vote Bank generators, loyal Muslim artists,dramatists, film producers projected Tippu as a national hero. Truehistory died a natural death. The event, British seizing the children ofTippu as hostages, was used to describe how cruel they were. Girish Karnad committed to the tradition of projecting Tippu described above,as a national hero, uses the same event to write this piece of dialoguefor Tippu in a philosophical tone of a sociologist, 'we have a newlanguage in our country at present. A new culture has arrived. Angreji !a culture to use 7-8 year old children as hostages.'

But taking hostages in the war was a tradition of Muslim kings who ruledIndia. Karnad does not know that British followed the same here or he deliberately hides it. It is written in Aurangazeb's official history(Masic-e-Alanghir, Saki Mustad Khan, 5th year, 5th Jamad, Al Hijira1072, 5, 1663) that the commander of Aurangzeb Mir Jumla when hedefeated the king of Assam he plundered the gold, silver and the cash ofthe palace and forcibly had taken the daughter and the sons of the king,Burha Gohen, Bar Gohen, Gud Dyoyapu Khan and Bad Pathwapu Khan, the foursons of his chieftain as hostages till the king paid the indemnity amount. During the regime of Mughals Rajput kings should have left atlease one of their sons in the court of the Badshah. In fact this wassame as taking hostages in the wars. Even the tradition of marrying ofdefeated Rajput king's daughter to Badshah, that was started duringAkbar's regime and continued thereafter, was same as taking hostages inthe wars. Akbar asked Maharana Pratap to send his son to his court. ButPratap did not agree. Later Kurram who called himself Shahajahanrebelled against his father Jahangir and was defeated by his father.Jahangir had taken hostage of sons of Jahangir, Kurram Dara andAurangazeb, his own grandsons. Muslim kings had never looked after theirhostages with as much care as British governor general Cornwallis hadfor his hostages. If the prisoners of war were non-Muslims theirconversion would be certain.

What were the terms of the pact under which Tippu's sons were taken hostage? Tippu agreed to pay some amount to British on his defeat. Atthat time he had no money. He had nothing to pledge. Could British trusthis words? British had no intention to take children as hostages. Just because Tippu had nothing to pledge he agreed for this. British hadtaken care of the children quite well.
It is not something new that some politicians call Tippu a 'Kannadakuvara' in their lectures. But Tippu introduced Persian in place of Kananda that was the administrative language during the regime ofOdeyars. I know the system of maintenance of revenue accounts duringthat period as I am from the family of Shanbogues of old Mysore region.The Persian words were introduced in the administration during Tippu'speriod, for ex: khathe, kardi, pahani, kanisu, mari, gudsta, kakhte,khushki, bagaytu, banjaru, jamabandi, ahavalu, khavand, amaldar,shiresthedar etc.

Tippu changed the names of the places to Persian. Brahmapuri - Sultanpet. Kalikote of Kerala, the present Kallikote to Pharukabad,Chitradurga - Faruq Yab Hissar, Coorg - Zaffarabad, Devanahalli -Yousuphakhan, Dindigul - Khalilabad, Gutti - Phyz Hissar, Krishnagiri -Phulk Il Azam, Mysore - Nazarabad (now Nazarabad is one of the extensions of Mysore city), Penugonda - Phakarabad, Sankridurga -Muzafarabad, Sira - Rustumabad, Sakleshpur - Muzidabad. Do theseindicate Tippu's nationalism, loyalty to Kannada, tolerant of otherreligions?

The title of Girish Karnad's play 'Tippu Sultan kanda kanasu' is basedon the title of a booklet 'Tippu Sultan's Dreams' written by Tippuhimself in Persian and the said title was suggested by English editorMajor Beatson. I read the English version of this book. Tippu wasparticular that nobody should see him writing or revising this book.Tippu's most trusted servant informed that this book was found in a toilet in the palace of Srirangapatnam and also said that it was writtenby Tippu himself. Both the original and the English versions are inIndia Office at London. If one reads this book one will certainlyunderstand to what extent Tippu was a fanatic. In the book : he calls Hindus as Kashmiris, addresses English as Christians and writes that inhis dreams, frequently he saw the moulvies with long beards, he went toMecca on a pilgrimage, an Arab with a long beard told him 'ProphetMohammed had informed him that he would not step into heaven withoutTippu', he had changed all the non-Muslim kingdoms into Muslim kingdomsby converting all the non-Muslims to Muslims.

There is not even a single idea to modernize India in the entire book.He had the desire of overthrowing English (in the entire book he callsthem with their religious name, Christians).

Tippu did not dare to convert Hindus in the Mysore region though he attempted it in Malabar and Coorg. In 1791 he was defeated by theBritish in the 3rd Mysore war, he paid a huge amount, surrendered manyparts of his kingdom and his children were taken as hostages, after thisevent he attempted to satisfy Hindu feelings by contributing toShringeri Mutt. Even today secularists call him as religious tolerantfor this gesture. Tippu had written the letters to Zimalshah, the kingof Afghan and to the Khalifa of Turkey requesting them to invade India and to establish the kingdom of Islam in the entire country. He orderedto use the prized collection of books, palm leaf manuscripts and thefiles in the library of the palace, as fuel to cook the food for thehorses.
Even today Muslims of Malabar speak, read and write Malayalam at home,similarly Muslims of Tamilnadu use Tamil. But Muslims of Mysore speakUrdu, they do not know to read and write Kannada. The problem ofmainstreaming all into the state language in Karnataka lies with the Persian and Urdu educational system introduced by Tippu.

My basic question is to what extent an author can take liberty whileportraying the historical characters and dealing with the historicalcontent? An author always got the liberty to portray the imaginary characters as he likes as he only created all these characters. But whenhe is creating a historical character he should be loyal to thehistorical truths. There is nothing like consensus historical truths.People comment that whatever a historian interprets the same becomes the historical truth. If the author is committed to an ideology then it isinevitable for him to portray each and every historical character andthe event according to the dictates of the ideology or group of theideology. There may be Communism, JNU group or some other sub group, nodoubt that Girish Karnad is a leftist. This group believes that there is socialism in Islam but not in Hinduism. During the days of cold war,with a strategy to have an alliance with Arabs against America, Stalinonce again emphasized the social justice of Islam. They were unable toanalyze the Muslims in the Indian history. They have got one moremission to overwhelm BJP, the proponents of Hinduism, instigatingMuslims by lending their support to them. Therefore intellectuals likeKarnad always have political preparedness to protest against BJP. They will be waiting for an issue to be raised whether it is Datta Jayanthior Saraswathi Prarthana in the schools. The authors who are so muchcommitted to their ideology would use their creativity as a slave oftheir ideology. The art would be an instrument of their politicalideology. Author should be politically neutral. Even if he joins thepolitics he should be politically neutral in his writings but I believethis is difficult to follow. Leftists declare that there no art, moral, meaning, history and spirituality can exist without politicaldimensions.

The purpose of this article is not to support Shankar Murthy. Not evento derogate Muslim personalities. All the Muslims of India are our brothers. Our nationalism should be strengthened on the basis of thisbrotherhood. But projection of historical lies can never strengthennationalism. It is more than a century that we started discussing openlyabout the merits and demerits of Hindus. In fact these open discussionsand criticisms are strengthening the Hindu society. It will not amount to disparaging Muslims if we openly write the facts of Muslim regimes. We all should learn lessons from the history. If we create false history by hiding the truths, apprehending that the facts of history if written would hurt people then we can never build strong buildings on such fake foundations. Accusing the present generation for the mistakes of the past generations exhibits the immaturity of the mind. It is equally immature to flatter or to depress ourselves, by aligning us with our predecessors, imagining ourselves as their successors.

Monday, September 18, 2006

Back to roots: Kashmiri Pandit youth fight back

http://www.rootsinkashmir.org/aboutus.php

17 years ago, some of them were just toddlers.
17 years ago, some of them were still sucking their thumbs.
17 years ago, some of them were still trying to learn their ABCs.
17 years ago, some of them were still playing with their trucks and dolls.
17 years ago, during the darkest night of January 19, 1990, their parents had to clutch them to their chests and escape the claws of death looming over their heads. That night, these parents had to take the extreme step of leaving their roots behind in the land of their ancestors so that their toddlers could have a life of their own.

17 years later, these toddlers have grown up and the only passion in their lives is to look for and connect back to their roots.
Yes, these are the unfortunate and forsaken young adults from the Kashmiri Hindu community who have spent their entire childhood and adolescence in exile, living as refugees in their own country. For the last 17 years, they have been growing up dreaming about the roots they want to connect to.

These young adults are very grateful to all those communities, spread all across the nation, who embraced them and gave them the love, compassion and warmth that they badly needed during their growing years. All their lives, while going through the rigours of childhood and adolescence, they have hoped against hope that the respective governments in the Delhi and Jammu and Kashmir will take concrete steps to help them connect with their roots. Sadly, their dreams and aspirations still remain dreams.

After waiting and hoping for 17 long years, these young adults have now decided to take charge and be the change that they want to bring about. They are ready -- charged with 'passion', armed with 'reason' and primed with 'zeal' -- to take the bull by the horns and make a difference. And the difference they will make.

Roots In Kashmir is an initiative that these young Kashmiri Hindus have launched to reclaim and connect back to their roots. It is an initiative to protest and increase the awareness of human rights violations against the Kashmiri Hindu community, who have been languishing in refugee camps and elsewhere in their own country.

To escape persecution, more than 400,000 Kashmiri Hindus had to leave their homes and hearths back in the valley. Even after 17 years in exile, more than 50,000 of these Kashmiri Hindu refugees are living in hellish conditions in uninhabitable refugee camps.
Roots In Kashmir strongly believes that successive Indian Union and state governments have failed in protecting the human rights of the Kashmiri Hindu community. It also believes that various human rights organisations have miserably failed in highlighting the human rights violations against the minority community in the Kashmir valley.

Roots In Kashmir demands that the Indian Union government should grant the status of 'Internally Displaced People' to Kashmiri Hindus. This demand is in line with the United Nation's definition of 'Internally Displaced People'. It also demands that a blueprint for the rehabilitation of Kashmiri Hindus should be created by the Indian Union and Jammu and Kashmir state governments at a war-footing.
Roots In Kashmir organised its first event in the form of a protest rally at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi on Human Rights Day, Sunday, December 10, 2006 . This protest rally was to highlight the government's apathy towards its citizens, who have steadfastly stood for her identity, integrity, and sovereignty.

The Kashmiri Hindu community is the one community that has lost its own identity because it stood for India's identity in the state of Jammu and Kashmir . In spite of the threats perpetrated by global terrorism, supported and abetted by our friends across the border on the west (Yes, I mean Pakistan ), it is the community that continues to keep the Indian tricolour up and flying in the Kashmir valley.
This protest rally is not only to highlight the ethnic cleansing of Kashmir Hindus. It is also to highlight the grave danger that our great nation is facing at the hands of global terrorism. The menace of global terrorism is not making any distinction between those who raise the Indian tricolour in Kashmir and those who raise the Indian tricolour in Kerala.

Anyone who believes in the Indian tricolour is in the line of fire and this fire of global terrorism is spreading at such an alarming pace that it needs to be quelled now. If the powers that be don't wake up today, tomorrow might be too late. The tentacles of global terrorism are well spread all across the nation and only a traitor will ignore such a threat.
I believe our politicians are selfish with no regard for the security and sovereignty of the nation. They are not patriots who will be united in their fight against the nation's enemies.

Under such circumstances, it becomes imperative for today's youth to take the cudgels and lead the efforts to change the system that badly needs an overhaul. These young Kashmiri Hindus are our future and they need all the support and encouragement from one and all.
It is imperative for all the youth of our great nation to step up to the plate and be involved in creating India's destiny. We cannot afford to wait for our senior politicians to wake up. They can be there to provide the moral support but the baton has to be handed over to the youth.

And these youth are ready -- ready to take the charge.